Category: Education Governance


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Wanted: The Walkman and iPod for Educational Governance


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When Sony announced last month that it would stop producing the cassette version of the famed Walkman, few had shed a tear. The music device had long ago been tossed…

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While the rest of the world has moved on, education is stuck in a phonograph form of governance.

When Sony announced last month that it would stop producing the cassette version of the famed Walkman, few had shed a tear. The music device had long ago been tossed into the proverbial ashbin of history by portable CD players and MP3 players. But in its time, the Walkman did something rather amazing: It helped foster the development of personalized culture and interactive entertainment. And American public education can learn plenty about how to develop a governance structure — and culture of genius — that fosters the kind of dynamism that led to the Walkman and the iPod.

At the time Sony introduced the Walkman, the world was still stuck with just a few choices in entertainment and almost no way of personalizing media. You had three networks and a handful of independent stations; cable had yet to be widespread and even then, there were few channels. Music was almost purely a communal affair; with boom-boxes and large-scale stereo systems, you didn’t have much choice but to listen to Disco Duck or More Than A Feeling — even if you preferred London Calling or September. The Walkman made the personalization of music, media and culture possible. You didn’t have to listen to your neighbor’s music and in fact, both of you could co-exist in the same space without offending one another. As I wrote in Reason back in 1999: “You can stand in Grand Central Station during the afternoon rush hour and have one foot in Lilith Fair; or in a studio session with Mingus, Monk, or Miles Davis; or in a shouting match with Rush Limbaugh.”

This, in turn, fostered new generations of electronic devices and digital formats that allow people to reshape parts of the world to their liking — and even forced other technologies to evolve in ways that allowed for more-customized experiences. The former came in the form of the Walkman’s successor devices, including the iPod and the Nintendo Gameboy. The latter can be seen in the evolution of the Internet; thanks to the Walkman (and Tim Berners-Lee’s development of Hypertext Markup Language), the World Wide Web has become the ultimate tool of personalized media and culture. The Walkman and its successors also influenced the development of the cellphone (invented six years earlier by Motorola), transforming it from a simple mobile version of the landline phone to the portable computer and entertainment device it is today. And these changes, in turn, has made culture customizable– from video on demand editions of Community to Grey Album mash-ups of Jay-Z and the Beatles.

These innovative answers to unexpressed desires came largely because of the dynamic environments in which technology and media are fostered. Sony was a master of experimentation; this was the company that helped pioneer the compact disc and the third generation of videogames with the PlayStation. In fact, the Walkman emerged out of a period of reorganization in which Sony’s tape recorder division — fearing consolidation into one of its rival divisions — took an existing product (the Pressman) and added microphones; instead of complicated development and market testing, Sony put the Walkman out into the marketplace, showing teens using it while rollerskating and biking.

This same dynamism has played itself out decades later with the development of the iPod, and even the development of Google, Facebook and Twitter. No board or commission mandated their creation (and more than likely, such authorities would have stifled their development); instead, they were created by people who came up with responses to needs and desires unmet in the marketplace and provided compelling answers to questions asked and unconsidered.

While these changes in technology and media have been taking place, American public education remains stuck in the age of the phonograph. Forget for a moment that our classrooms largely look the same as they did at the turn of the last century. The structure of how our education system is governed would be familiar to a Detroit parent of the early 20th century: State boards of education and superintendents bereft of the capacity to fully hold districts accountable; elected school boards that are easily cudgeled into submission by teachers unions and occasionally, by superintendents; superintendents, in turn, whose positions are inherently unstable (because they lack political bases of their own) and are hamstrung in managing districts by collective bargaining agreements and state laws; principals who have little influence over the key elements of schools that are critical to educating students, yet bear much responsibility for results; and teachers who, despite their complaints of little power, have almost complete autonomy over what happens in classrooms.

Not one element of this structure actually recognizes the true role of families as consumers and lead decision-makers in education. More importantly, it doesn’t even allow for the embrace of new concepts in instruction and school management. While a lack of dynamism is generally acceptable in government because it keeps majority constituencies from reveling in (and subjecting the minority to) their worst excesses, in education, it all but assures that school reform moves in all deliberate speed (or as Thurgood Marshall defined it, slow, if not at all).

This certainly benefits teachers unions and their allies among traditional public education’s status quo; for them, a disruption in the structure of education governance (and of American public education overall) is troubling, not because it doesn’t matter, but, as Paul T. Hill noted a decade ago, because they know that it absolutely does matter. After all, they benefit from the ways things are and, while they may care about the millions of kids failed by American public education, the kids are only a secondary concern to their own goals.

Yet in keeping the status quo in place, we are failing to take advantage of the possible innovations in instruction, data system development and other areas that can help stem the nation’s dropout crisis. The success of high-quality charter schools such as KIPP, along with the work being done in New York City’s public schools with the ARIS data system offer promise. The technological developments outside of education — including tools for online learning — also offer possibilities. But little of this will be of any use in an education governance structure that promotes the slow and the status quo over stemming the nation’s education crisis with innovative solutions.

What is needed is a disruption in the education governance structure. This may mean the end of school districts and state boards of education; it could mean replacing education departments with contracting divisions that simply monitor what schools do on the ground. The Hollywood Model that I offer up is one possibility; there are certainly others. (It would help if education was a fully private system funded by out-of-pocket dollars than out of tax money that parents and others don’t directly control; but a fully private education system isn’t going to happen in this lifetime — and some would argue it wouldn’t help our poorest children.)

But it will take more than just revamping educational governance. One of the biggest problems in education is the lack of a dynamic mindset among its traditionalists. As seen with charter schools, vouchers, and the use of Value-Added data in teacher evaluations, any new idea that disrupts the status quo is greeted with outright hostility. School reformers have had to go outside of the traditional ed school confines to develop innovative approaches to the human capital and instructional practice problems within education, but such an approach is unsustainable. So reformers will have to storm the gates — including teaming up with grassroots activists — and oust the status quo by force. It will also mean bringing in talented, innovative thinkers outside of education.

It also means accepting the end of a few conceits. This includes: That education decision-making should only be in the hands of supposed experts (who, since the advent of the comprehensive high school model, haven’t actually succeeded in improving public education); that only teachers and educators should be in charge of education (and that outsiders should not be anywhere near the classroom); that parents are nuisances who should remain ill-informed about such matters as growth models; and that, perhaps, public education should be the financing of the best educational options instead of district bureaucracies.

We need a Walkman and iPod for education — especially for educational governance. And we need to make education a more-dynamic, data-driven, innovation-oriented sector. Our kids need it. It’s just that simple.

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Steve Peha: Don’t Ed on Me


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In 1996, just a year into my work in schools, I read Regie Routman’s book “Literacy at the Crossroads.” It wasn’t just a book about literacy; it was a book…

In 1996, just a year into my work in schools, I read Regie Routman’s book “Literacy at the Crossroads.” It wasn’t just a book about literacy; it was a book about the coming age of edupolitics (or “politeracy” in this case). Ms. Routman’s essential thesis was this: while educators may not have signed up for political lives, running a first grade classroom was about to become just as dicey as running for office. And so it has.

Heading into the second decade of the 21st century, few issues have become more politicized than education. Historically, as political awareness rises over time on any given matter, our nation’s politicians have turned themselves to the task of dealing with it and making things better. (Slavery and Civil Rights are the two most notable exceptions, and I think the connection between these two issues and education is more than just a coincidence.) Progress is often slow in coming, but even our cleverly designed sloth-like system of self-hobbling government usually manages to get some good work done.

But not with education.

Somehow, education leaves our politicians forever flummoxed. And this year’s mid-term election has merely replaced the Party of the Bewildered with the Party of the Bemused. Will the reauthorization of the No Child Left Behind Act (also known as the Elementary and Secondary Education Act or ESEA) break out along slightly different lines now? Perhaps. Will Arne Duncan be denied some future spending money? Perhaps. Will eccentric Tea Party types try to teach us important lessons about the U.S. Constitution, along with leading the charge for improved spelling, grammar, and punctuation? Almost certainly. But at least there’ll be some entertainment value in that.

If you’re a kid sitting in a school lunchroom as I sit down to begin writing this piece at noon on Wedenesday, November 3, I can say with some certainty that trading your PB&J for a shot at real education reform is likely to leave both your stomach and your mind a little empty. Even if you don’t like PB&J, I don’t think you’re going to like much of what’s coming down the pike in education any better. Mostly, it’s the same old same old—just more of it. Rather than working smarter with bold, innovative ideas, we’ve decided simply to work harder at things that haven’t worked very well in the past. What does this mean for you? Probably just more hopelessly boring homework and tedious tests.

We do education and politics like this because this is what seems to help people get elected. Nobody ever won a race by being “smart” on crime or “smart” on terrorism. People only win if they’re “tough” on society’s ills. A kind of anti-intellectual populism has often run through American politics. Since being smart is stupid, politicians would much rather be tough. Being “tough” on education means that education is going to be tough on you, teenagers, because guess what? You’re the only ones in the system who don’t have a vote. This is nothing less than education without representation. Maybe it’s time for a little tea party of your own.

The are only two things that are likely to change in coming years: Which  party gets blamed for failing kids, and the folks you will eventually get to vote for to replace them—who will then be failing more kids.  I’ll admit there is a kind of perverse fairness about this as everyone continues to get a mediocre education. At least we won’t all be crabbing so much in the old folks home. As the decades tick by, fewer and fewer of us will be able to look back fondly on the “good old days” of American education and bemoan the current state of affairs as somehow inferior.

Though education consumes a lot of time for many families—and for a small percentage, their money as well—there really isn’t much to think about when it comes to the political dimension of schooling because regardless of who we elect, very little ever changes in our schools. This may just be because education is hard to change. Or it may be that the people we elect have no idea how to change it. There’s probably truth in both of these notions.

But the biggest truth of all is that school is not that different today than it was in 1983 when we boldly pronounced ourselves “A Nation at Risk”. Chester Finn, former Assistant Secretary of Education and probably one of our country’s most respected education historians, summed up the state of education reform earlier this year in an article called “The End of the Education Debate” that he wrote for National Affairs that: “The education reform debate as we have known it for a generation is creaking to a halt… and the conceptual framework built around them, are clearly outliving their usefulness.”

Record funding from DOE is driving reform, just like record funding from Bill Gates and other philanthropists is driving DOE’s agenda. But one wonders  even more than usual about why education doesn’t just take a wide turn into something that makes a little more sense. We’re all pushing the pedal to the metal on reform these days, but to the extent that the past predicts the future, we can safely say that even if we can get the buses running faster, we still won’t have figured out any new routes.

They say that politics makes strange bedfellows. But it’s clear that edupolitics makes even stranger ed fellows. We have a Democratic president pushing Republican themes and now a Republican House, and a revitalized not-so-minority Republican Senate, about to push their weight around. One might think that with a president who acts like a Republican on education, and a powerful new crop of Republican legislators, we might move even more strongly in a Republic direction on schools.

But what would such a directional move look like? As many folks like Mr. Finn have pointed out, the Republicans long ago won every major argument about reform. The Democrats just signed on because they didn’t have any workable ideas of their own, and because they didn’t want to look stupid. So all we’re going to get is more of what we’ve got: More testing, more charters, more choice, more merit pay programs, more market-based reforms. But, as Mr. Finn points out, this is not at all what we need. Suburban Republicans must understand that, as Finn points out, local control and funding aren’t panaceas; school choice activists must learn that the difference between private school choice and greater public school flexibility, variety and accountability isn’t all that different; and that national standards are needed to improve education. Centrist Democrat and progressive reformers on the other hand, will need to realize that the public school monopoly will no longer work; that teachers will need to be held accountable; and that we will need to go to the model of self-governing governing schools with control over their own budgets and staffing.

One might credit President Obama for leapfrogging the Republicans, and for bamboozling us all with his Bush-like approach to education. But if you think about it, after the mid-term, there should be very little tension left about which reforms our nation will pursue. But, as Mr. Finn points out, all we’ll be doing is pursuing the same tired reforms together. Quality reforms, not consensus reforms, will make the difference.

Education is full of sound and fury. But as Shakespeare wrote, and Faulkner alluded to, most of it is a tale told by an idiot, signifying nothing. There was little point in moving education up to the top of our agenda this Tuesday as we headed into and out of the voting booth because regardless of who we elected, education is unlikely to change. Education gets a lot of press—and well it should—but it’s always a down-ballot issue regardless of whatever else may be in play. We all know that Carville said, “It’s the economy, stupid!” We know, too, that no one has ever said, “It’s education, stupid!” Though it sure does seem stupid for us to keep ignoring education at the ballot box. And not entirely unlike the way our country ignored slavery and Civil Rights for so very, very long. Could it be that we’ve always known exactly what we were doing with education in this country? Is there a connection between what is happening today in schools and laws against slaves learning to read or literacy tests for voting? Is there really much difference between the phrase “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” and the phrase “life, literacy, and the pursuit of happiness”?

Education is a top political theme but it a isn’t a top political issue because few of us “walk our chalk” when it comes to matching words with actions. Most of us say that education is very important. After all, we believe the children are our future. Teach them well and let them lead the way. Sadly, however, the greatest love of all turns out to be how much politicians love being elected. All this patriotic pap about the future of our democracy and our global competitiveness is nothing more than a self-serving smoke screen as politicians of all parties fail to take actions that are consistent with the beliefs they profess about the importance of education.

Yes, of course, the children are our future—literally. But we don’t do much to teach them—or much to help their teachers teach them. Education is not a real political issue because political discourse on education is really just code for caring and compassion (and sometimes veiled racism or classism), most of which is entirely sincere. I’m not sure whether education is a straw man or a red herring. But it’s a metaphor for something—a phantom, a figment, perhaps even at times a ruse. The politicians I’ve known have all been incredibly sincere about education. They really do want to help. But euphemism quickly replaces euphoria shortly after the votes are counted. When it comes to education, most legislators remind me of Robert Redford at the end of “The Candidate”. Whisked away on victory night by an ecstatic throng of supporters, Redford finally reaches the safety of his official car, turns to his campaign manager and says, “What do we do now?”

Perhaps the simplest reason why education is not a real political issue is that so few of us have a real commitment to it—a commitment that extends beyond convenient, self-serving platitudes to the mastering of hard facts, the making of hard decisions, the doing of hard work, and the embracing of hard realities about learning, leading, and living in the world.

It’s an odd thing for me as a lifelong liberal and son of a big city public school teacher, to admit that I’m tired of the government reaching into the school house swinging blunt instruments like an out of control rock band (or Charlie Sheen having an “allergic reaction” to some medication). Since World War II, the federal government has succeeded primarily at increasing educational access to historically marginalized populations. This is a reasonable role but it has more to do with human decency than it does with building a decent system of education. Improving access to education is a significant achievement. But achieving it has little do with improving the quality of our schools.

Many states list education as the top priority in their constitutions. But while education is often a top expense, it’s clearly never a top priority. Locally, we fund education inequitably through property tax approaches that are unlikely ever to change, except to the extent that they will surely continue to favor the interests of property holders over the interests of those whose children most need our help.

Government is good when it comes to making us have schools, and it does a decent job of getting us to let kids into them. But once they get there, I think government’s track record is not so hot, and that it’s influence should be limited accordingly—not because government doesn’t have a role to play but merely because our government seems to play it so poorly. The game of education is won and lost in the classroom, not at the ballot box. We all know this intuitively, even if we don’t want to deal with it in a healthy, constructive, and responsible way.

I say all this based not on ideology—my center-left worldview would lead me to the opposite conclusion—but on past performance. I think that if government at all levels focused solely on access, funding, and research, that would be great. Let’s leave improvement to people who actually know what improvement is and who aren’t afraid to do it. Or let’s just leave education alone for a little while. Let’s ponder Mr. Finn’s thesis and see that if doesn’t inspire us to come up with something new and truly improved. I think this 4th of July, I’ll be flying a libertarian educator’s flag, one that says “Don’t Ed on Me!”

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Steve Peha: The Myth of Mayoral Control


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When it comes to educational governance — especially at the school district level — two strains remain supreme. The first is the growing realization that dominant structures (notably, school boards),…

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When it comes to educational governance — especially at the school district level — two strains remain supreme. The first is the growing realization that dominant structures (notably, school boards), are obsolete and ineffective in delivering high-quality education; their continued existence is more a credit to the lack of better ideas and the self-preservation of those who derive their power from them. The second: That other structures (including mayoral control) may be more-effective models of governance than school boards, but not good enough. Ultimately, we are nowhere near a way of providing education that actually allows for parents to be the lead decision-makers in education they should be and ultimately, leads to the full reform of American public education.

Dropout Nation will spend the next two days focusing on the structure of local educational governance. Today, Steve Peha offers his own perspective on mayoral control, looking at the aftermath of the Adrian Fenty-Michelle Rhee era. Tomorrow, I will explain why we need to bring into education governance (and into the rest of education), the kind of disruption that led to the iPod, the iPad and the BlackBerry. The Hollywood Model could be one. But there may also be others.

Like her or not, Michelle Rhee has earned her paragraph-length entry in the dictionary of American education history. The concept of“Mayoral control”, on the other hand, may soon be relegated to mere Wikipedia status as a soon-to-be-oxymoron.

When outgoing Washington, D.C. Mayor Adrian Fenty appointed her, he had lost control five minutes later.  It strains credulity to believe that a politician as deft as he wouldn’t have called in his budding eduprotĂ©gĂ© for a few lessons in basic PR from time to time. Or that, year after year, he would have graded her as “Satisfactory” on her report card when he saw the phrase “Plays well with others.” If her destiny was linked with his, his was almost surely linked with hers as well. Is it possible that two smart people were dumb enough to blow this situation for each other while not even knowing it?

Not only did the concept of mayoral control fail during Mr. Fenty’s term, it has been completely lost. Yes, mayor presumptive Vincent Gray will select a permanent replacement. But that isn’t what mayoral control is about. Mayoral control is supposed to be a better substitute for traditional school board governance and oversight on behalf of the public. But obviously, as in Fenty’s case, even some of the most popular mayors don’t govern or oversee the schools they allegedly control.

When we get all frothy about the miracle of mayoral control, we need to keep in mind that most change initiatives in school districts take more time than most mayors will ever enjoy in office (members of the Daley family being the exception). No one-term mayor is going to see his or her schools make much progress. And when a successor has to come in and deal with a mouthy, resentful, leftover superintendent, what’s the best we can expect? They will go sooner rather than later.

D.C. hasn’t had mayoral control, because Mayor Fenty hasn’t controlled the schools; Chancellor Rhee did. That’s called “Chancelloral” control. And the fact that we can’t even pronounce this concept is probably just one more reason why it’s not a good idea.

If traditional board governance is clumsy and factional, and newfangled mayoral control is ill-defined and even more politicized than school itself, do we need another alternative? I think we do. There’s something to be said for getting the structure right, to finding something that is both effective in the short run and enduring in the long run. I would say that this rules out anything tied to elections. And it is precisely this mechanism that links board governance and mayoral control in failure.

I don’t think our country would tolerate anything resembling the way corporate boards operate but I wonder if this wouldn’t be worth a shot. Corporate boards might make us nervous but they have two big advantages over school board governance and mayoral control. To contrast with school board governance, corporate boards are typically peopled with experts who are paid, pampered, and pledged to the long term well-being of shareholders—at least in the best cases. Unlike mayors, they’re not quite so dependent on a single person. Corporate boards often oust their chairs and lead their organizations on to victory. There’s a lot less “out with the old, in with the new”, so even if a CEO or chairman offends one person too many, continuity need not suffer so severely.

Then again, perhaps the problem is not with the mayor but with the control? If what you’re trying to do is lead people to a place they’ve never been before, and where you hope they’ll stay, “control” is probably not the best metaphor for the kind of leadership you hope to inspire. Yet we do love control in schools. Teachers love to control their kids. Administrators are always looking for more control over teachers. As educators, we are classic control freaks. Outside we speak of partnerships, cooperation, synergy, and all manner and sort of euphemisms. Inside, we know this.

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Disrupting the Structure of Education: New Orleans and the Hollywood Model


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As much as defenders of traditional public education complain about additional funding and efforts to expand charter schools, the vast amount of attention and funding in school reform is focused…

What if every school was a charter school? Or a private school? It should happen in the Big Easy -- and elsewhere. (Photo courtesy of colorlines.com)

As much as defenders of traditional public education complain about additional funding and efforts to expand charter schools, the vast amount of attention and funding in school reform is focused on overhauling traditional school districts. reforming traditional school districts. From the $3.5 billion in funding from the federal School Improvement Grant (SIG) program to much of the funding for Race to the Top, the real action remains in saving a model of providing public education that have proven to be inefficient, allows opponents of reform to stubbornly resist any change and captured by political and regulatory structures that benefit the National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers over the kids that are supposed to be educated.

But what if the traditional school district model was abandoned altogether? This could be a possibility in New Orleans, where the state-controlled Recovery School District — which took over schools once ran by the woeful Orleans Parish school district after Hurricane Katrina — is putting itself out of business. What could happen in the next few years could serve as the first step in developing a form of what I call the Hollywood Model — essentially getting rid of school district bureaucracies and allowing individual schools to operate akin to Hollywood producers, actually handling actual classroom instruction.

The official plan, according to Louisiana’s school superintendent, Paul Pastorek is to allow the 33 schools to go back under the Orleans Parish school district (which ran most schools in the Big Easy until Katrina) or choose to be under the watchful eye of the state. But there is a catch: New Orleans Parish can only gain oversight over the soon-to-be-former Recovery district schools if they govern in a “21st century manner”, that is, the district will only serve in an oversight role similar to what the state would do instead of operating schools. The Recovery District schools, on the other hand, will operate on their own. Essentially, the Orleans Parish wouldn’t be able to go back to its old ways, poorly managing schools, tolerating internal corruption and failing students and taxpayers alike.

It isn’t that Orleans Parish would be in any position to do any more damage or take on operation of these schools. The district, once a sprawling bureaucracy of 103 schools, now operates just seven; given that it authorizes and regulates seven charter schools on its own, it doesn’t have the capacity to oversee the Recovery District schools. So it is more than likely that the schools will end up becoming charters and fall under state oversight.

NOLA is already several steps in the midst of the Hollywood model. After all, public charter schools (which operate independently of any central district) enroll 57 percent of all students and account for 75 percent of all schools in the Big Easy. Converting another 33 traditional schools into charters wouldn’t exactly put a strain on the system. But it would force Louisiana officials to consider its own capacity for regulating so many schools from Baton Rouge. The biggest obstacle in abandoning the school district model remains the reality that most state education agencies are ill-equipped to manage their own operations, much less provide wide oversight over tens and hundreds (much less thousands) of individual schools. The lack of strong governance is one complaint lodged against the Recovery District by those New Orleans residents who remain skeptical of a school choice model of education.

For the schools themselves, the question is how to provide those very services — transportation, school lunches and building maintenance — that would otherwise be provided by a central district — especially since Orleans Parish (which would otherwise handle those functions under my original thesis) wouldn’t be able to do so. Once possibility: Groups of schools teaming up and contracting out those services to outside vendors, something that think tanks such as the Reason Foundation (with help from Deloitte Consulting’s Bill Eggers) have floated in discussing how to improve traditional district operations. Another is to bring in more charter school operators such as the Knowledge is Power Program and Green Dot Public Schools; but that would also lead to complaints that public education is becoming a private business (even though education has always been as much a business as a means of building the minds of people).

What happens in New Orleans may actually reshape what happens in federal policy. The Obama could abandon the emphasis on school turnarounds — which like those in the private sector, succeed only a fifth of the time (at best) — and focus on developing new structures for educational governance and foster charters, vouchers and other kinds of schools. The administration could even take some Title I funding and actually put it into efforts that will elevate families to their proper roles as kings and lead decision-makers in education.

Ultimately, what will happen in New Orleans with the end of the Recovery District will be interesting to watch. After all, we already know that the traditional public school district is obsolete and not worth preserving as a model for educating our children. Now, we must replace it with a model that works for all children.

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